Brussels Governance MonitorLevels of power in Brussels
Six levels of power impact the lives of Brussels residents. Here are their roles, their competences, and their current status.
Brussels is the most institutionally complex city in Europe. Six levels of power overlap, each with its own competences. In normal times, this complexity is invisible to the citizen. In times of crisis, it becomes the problem: when one level is blocked, the others cannot always compensate.
| Level | Key competences | Current status |
|---|---|---|
| European Union | Funding (ERDF, ESF+), environmental standards, European Semester | Operational |
| Federal state | Social security, justice, taxation, SNCB/NMBS, defence | Operational (Arizona coalition) |
| Brussels-Capital Region | Housing, employment, mobility, environment, regional budget | Operational (Dilliès gov.) |
| Community commissions | Health, social welfare, culture (COCOM, COCOF, VGC) | Operational |
| 19 municipalities | Urban planning, civil registry, CPAS/OCMW, local police, roads | Operational |
| Para-regional bodies | Actiris, STIB/MIVB, Brussels Housing, Brussels Environment | Operational |
The European Union
The EU does not govern Brussels, but it shapes a significant part of its environment. European funds (ERDF, ESF+) finance infrastructure and social cohesion projects. European directives set binding targets for air quality, energy efficiency, and the labour market. The European Semester assesses Belgian budgetary policies, including the situation in Brussels.
During the 2024-2026 crisis, Brussels risked being unable to programme European funds within the required deadlines. The Dilliès government must now make up for the accumulated delay in mobilising ERDF and ESF+ funds for the 2021-2027 period.
The federal state
The federal state manages social security (unemployment, pensions, healthcare), justice, the federal police, national taxation, railways (SNCB/NMBS), and defence. These competences directly impact Brussels residents: unemployment benefits, healthcare reimbursements, and the trains serving Brussels depend on the federal level, not the Region.
The federal government (Arizona coalition) has been operational since early 2025. During the 2024-2026 crisis, it made decisions that impacted Brussels — tax reforms, refinancing of federated entities, cooperation agreements — without the Brussels Region having a fully empowered government to defend its interests in negotiations. This asymmetry was one of the most concrete consequences of the crisis. Since February 2026, the Dilliès government can once again represent Brussels at the federal level.
The three Regions: an unprecedented asymmetry
After the June 2024 elections, Flanders and Wallonia quickly formed their regional governments. Brussels took 613 days — an unprecedented asymmetry in Belgian history. For nearly two years, two of three Regions could legislate, invest, and programme their policies, while Brussels operated on minimal management. On the same matters (housing, employment, mobility, environment), Flanders and Wallonia moved forward while Brussels fell behind.
Inter-regional cooperation agreements — necessary for issues such as commuter mobility or water management — were blocked on the Brussels side during the 2024-2026 crisis. Businesses active in multiple Regions faced regulatory inconsistencies. Financial transfers between Regions continued on outdated parameters, with no possibility of renegotiation. Since February 2026, these inter-regional negotiations can resume.
The community commissions: Brussels' institutional layer cake
The COCOM/GGC (Joint Community Commission) manages bi-community matters in Brussels: hospitals, nursing homes, homeless shelters, health policy coordination. Its government consists of the same ministers as the regional government. During the 2024-2026 crisis, COCOM was paralysed for the same 613 days: investments in health and social welfare were frozen. Since February 2026, it has regained its full capacity.
The COCOF (French Community Commission) manages French-speaking matters (culture, vocational training, personal assistance) and has its own budget and decree-making power. The VGC (Flemish Community Commission) fulfils the same role on the Dutch-speaking side but is structurally more linked to the Flemish government. Both commissions function with their own budgets and governance, distinct from the regional government.
The 19 municipalities: crisis shock absorbers
The 19 Brussels municipalities (City of Brussels, Ixelles, Schaerbeek, Molenbeek, Anderlecht, etc.) exercise proximity competences: urban planning, civil registry, local police, CPAS/OCMW (social welfare), municipal education, local roads. During the 2024-2026 crisis, municipalities were the main shock absorber: often the only level of power that acted concretely for citizens in daily life.
But municipal resources are unequal. High-income municipalities (Uccle, Woluwe-Saint-Pierre) have solid tax revenues. Low-income municipalities (Molenbeek, Saint-Josse, Anderlecht) depend more on regional subsidies. During the crisis, these subsidies were frozen, deepening inequalities between municipalities.
The absence of a province: a unique exception
Brussels is the only Belgian Region without a province. In Flanders and Wallonia, provinces play a significant operational role: provincial education, cultural heritage, sports infrastructure, co-funding of local projects. In Brussels, the Region directly assumes these provincial competences, under the special law of 12 January 1989.
This absence means the Brussels Region carries a broader range of competences than the other two Regions. In normal times, this is an advantage (fewer intermediaries). In times of crisis — as between 2024 and 2026 — this is a handicap: there is no 'Brussels province' to take over certain matters when the Region is paralysed.
Para-regional bodies
The regional public interest bodies form the operational administration of Brussels: Actiris (employment), STIB/MIVB (transport), Brussels Housing (housing), Brussels Environment (environment), perspective.brussels (urban planning), Innoviris (research), Bruxelles-Propreté (waste). These bodies operate under multi-year management contracts.
During the 2024-2026 crisis, 'continuing' was not 'advancing'. Management contracts expired without being renewed. New investments were blocked. Projects requiring a political decision — a new tram line, an energy renovation programme, an employment aid reform — were frozen. The new government must renegotiate these contracts and unlock the investments that were put on hold.
Police zones
Brussels has 6 local police zones (Brussels-Capital/Ixelles, South, West, Marlow, Montgomery, North), each managed by a police council made up of municipal representatives. The police operates independently of the regional government, but during the 2024-2026 crisis, regional security allocations were frozen at 2024 levels. Investments in equipment, recruitment, and police infrastructure were postponed.
Who decides what?
Which level of power manages which domain? See the full competence matrix, domain by domain.
View the competence matrixWhere was the blockage? (2024-2026)
For 613 days, the blockage was concentrated at the level of the Brussels-Capital Region and the COCOM. These two levels — which share the same government — were the only ones without a fully empowered executive. The federal level, municipalities, para-regional bodies, and police zones continued to function, but they could not compensate for the absence of a regional vision, investment budget, and legislative capacity. Since February 2026, all Brussels levels of power are once again operational.